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“A day so happy”: a transcript of Ayn Rand’s long-lost seminar on happiness

Sometime in the late summer of 1965, not long after the publication of The Virtue of Selfishness, a small handful of philosophy professors (well, two of them) held a little-known seminar with Ayn Rand in her spacious but regrettably smoke-filled and cat-filled living room. The topic? The nature of happiness. It was a very interesting evening. I was there (I was either “Professor I” or “Professor K,” I no longer remember which); I reconstruct the seminar below in its entirety, from memory.

To be sure, I wasn’t yet born in the summer of 1965, so like so many reminiscences of Ayn Rand, my memories of that evening are a self-aggrandizing composite of plausible inference, confabulation, and wishful thinking—in short, fiction narrated by an unreliable narrator. But you might still be interested in them.

For some reason, the two professors are known only by their code names, “Professor I” and “Professor K.”

Ayn Rand: I am very happy to see you all here. Well, both of you. On second thought: where is everyone, anyway? What kind of conversation are we supposed to have in the company of two dubious philosophy professors and a bunch of cats? Where is Lenush? Where is Nathan?

Professor I to Professor K (sotto voce): “Lenush”? WTF is she talking about?

Professor K (to I): “Lenush” is Leonard Peikoff’s nom de guerre.

Professor I (to AR): I think Nathan scheduled some kind of dance tonight. We can’t dance, so we decided to come here.

Professor K (apologetically): We just really value your work. [Pause] To be absolutely honest with you, we’re from New Jersey.

AR: You really need to get a life.

Professor K: That’s for sure–to speak of “value” apart from “life” would be even worse than a contradiction in terms (VS, p. 18).

AR:  Jesus, I need a cigarette already.

Anyway, ‘happiness’ is our topic of discussion tonight. As usual, I begin by quoting myself, from “The Objectivist Ethics”:

The irrational is the impossible: it is that which contradicts the facts of reality; facts canot be altered by wish, but they can destroy the wisher. If a man desires and pursues contradictions—if he wants to have his cake and eat it, too—he disintegrates his consciousness; he turns his inner life into a civil war of blind forces engaged in dark, incoherent, pointless, meaningless conflicts….

Happiness is that state of consciousness which proceeds from the achievement of one’s own values. If a man values productive work, his happiness is the measure of his success in the service of his life. But if a man values destruction…his alleged happiness is the measure of his success in the service of his own self-destruction. It must be said that the emotional state of all those irrationalists cannot be properly designated as happiness or even as pleasure: it is merely a moment’s relief from their chronic state of terror. …

I quote from Galt’s speech: ‘Happiness is a state of non-contradictory joy—a joy without penalty or guilt, a joy that does not clash with any of your values, and does not work for your own destruction….Happiness is possible only to a rational man, the man who desire nothing but rational goals, seeks nothing but rational values, and finds his joy in nothing but rational action.’ (VS, pp. 31-32)

Clearly, in the passage, I’m taking ‘valuation of productive work’ and ‘valuation of destruction’ as fundamental, inescapable, and exclusive options such that any agent must choose one or face the other, and most of the other choices he faces reduce to that one. Anyone who doesn’t value productive work in the right way is to that degree valuing his own destruction. And of course, I’m presupposing that the agent forms the concept of ‘production’ in the right way. All trivial stuff, which I leave as an exercise.

Also en passant: The preceding passage provides the rationale for and limitation on my non-conflicts of interest thesis; in other words, the thesis asserts that there are no conflicts of interest between happy people qua happy. Unhappy people are another story altogether, each—along with his family—unhappy, conflictual, and conflict-producing in his own way. Spend some time in Hebron or Peshawar, and you’ll see what I mean. Granted, neither the 1967 Arab-Israeli war nor the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan has happened yet, but once they do, the point will become obvious enough.

Well, that settles that, doesn’t it? I mean what else is left to say on the subject? Questions?

Ayn Rand

Ayn Rand (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Professor I: Yes, Ayn…may I call you “Ayn”?

AR: No.

Professor I: OK, Miss Rand. I just wanted to see whether I understand what you mean by ‘non-contradictory’ joy. So my procedure here was going to be to quote some passages from classic works discussing happiness, and see whether the happiness described by the author satisfied or failed to satisfy your description.

AR: Sounds like a pretty stupid procedure if you ask me. I just finished writing three of the greatest novels of all time, and now you’re quoting some other mediocre authors at me. I get more respect from my cats. But go ahead. I’ve got a whole pack of Marlboros here, and I can see it’s going to be a long night. There’s nothing worth reading in modern literature, I’ve read it all.

Professor I: Well, I could have quoted Philip Larkin, but here’s a passage from Nabokov’s Lolita. The narrator is Humbert Humbert, a pedophile. And I take it that despite the reference to happiness, this is a classic case of hedonic failure. In other words, this is what happiness is not:

Oh, do not scowl at me reader, I do not intend to convey the impression that I did not manage to be happy. Reader must understand that in the possession and thralldom of a nymphet the enchanted traveler stands, as it were, beyond happiness. For there is no other bliss on earth comparable to that of fondling a nymphet. It is hors concours, that bliss, it belongs to another class, another plane of sensitivity. Despite our tiffs, despite her nastiness, despite all the fuss and faces she made, and the vulgarity, and the danger, and the horrible hopelessness of it all, I still dwelled deep in my elected paradise—a paradise whose skies were the color of hell-flames—but still a paradise (Lolita, Second Vintage International edition, p. 166).

AR: Great, Larkin or Nabokov: we’re really spoiled for choice here. You have the nerve to quote Lolita at me? Didn’t you read what I said about that filthy excuse for a novel in my Playboy interview of June 1964?

Professor K: You were in Playboy? I’m pretty sure I have that issue.

AR: It was an interview. What kind of girl do you think I am?

Professor K: Oh, no wonder I missed it—I only subscribe to Playboy for the pictures.

Professor I: Could we get back on topic, please?

AR: Yes, well, Nabokov is a brilliant stylist, and he has a certain psychological acuity, so the passage is a brilliant depiction of a contradictory attempt at joy, depicting someone  who desires effects without causes, and plunges himself into the civil war I was talking about. Some idiot—I think it was Lionel Trilling—described Lolita as a “love story.” But there is no such thing as romantic love in the context of force between moral non-equals—e.g, between a child of twelve and a man of forty—and the attempt to force love, as Humbert does, is exactly the kind of contradiction that would lead to a psychological state like the one described. He thinks he is in love, but by the nature of the case, he can’t be in love. So the description of ‘happiness’ comes out as a self-contradictory distortion. No effort of will could make Humbert happy in my sense because no effort of will could turn the relationship into love, and only love would make them happy. The contradiction couldn’t be clearer, and neither could the subversion of happiness, no matter what he says. A “hellish paradise” is as explicit and grotesque a contradiction in terms as any imaginable.

Professor I: Beyond just the asymmetry between the two of them, Humbert’s sexual desires aren’t exclusive to Lolita anyway, even during the time he spends with her. So it’s unclear how his wild diffusion of (pedophilic) sexual attractions is supposed to be compatible with love. And beyond that, Lolita is miserable, and Humbert knows she is, so his “happiness” is purchased at the price of her unhappiness. When he brings that fact to self-consciousness, his happiness evaporates, but when he doesn’t, he deceives himself, and purchases happiness at the price of self-deception. He spends the whole novel oscillating from one alternative to the other.

AR: I wouldn’t know. I didn’t get that far.

Vladimir Nabokov

Vladimir Nabokov

Professor K: Actually, the Nabokov passage—the novel as a whole—sounds a lot like the depiction of vicious self-hatred in Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics IX.8. A bit like the end of Plato’s Republic and the Gorgias, too.

AR: I love that Aristotle!

Professor K: Maybe that explains why the plot of the novel of Lolita is such a joke. You really couldn’t successfully plot a novel consisting of nothing but the depiction of a reprobate headed on a downward moral descent, followed by an ad hoc upward redemption of about a paragraph at the very end, as in Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment–no matter how beautiful the paragraph. That’s why Nabokov finds himself, plot-wise, with nowhere to go with Humbert, and has to invent the ridiculous “Quilty” conceit to drive the plot to its conclusion.

Professor I: Yeah. But Crime and Punishment is otherwise well-plotted. There’s more going on there than in Lolita, Russian as they both are.

Professor K: Debatable.

Professor I: Isn’t there an irony here? Miss Rand’s critics love to haul Lolita out as an example of literary genius that so obviously exceeds hers. But the irony is: the more successfully Lolita depicts Humbert’s inner state—or depicts a Humbert-like moral agent—the more it confirms Miss Rand’s conception of happiness. That doesn’t seem to be a fact they’ve grasped, but the more loudly they insist on Nabokov’s genius, the more unwittingly they defend the Objectivist Ethics.

AR: Yes, and my aesthetic views, too, which are not yet part of history, but will be (Romantic Manifesto, pp. 82-87). But feel free to waste your time on such depravity studies as Lolita.

Professor K: I guess we already have.

Professor I: Anyway, I’ve got another passage, a subtler one. I think it’s another paradigmatic case of what happiness is not. It’s from Hobbes’s Leviathan.

‘Continual success’ in obtaining those things which a man from time to time desireth, that is to say continual prospering, is that men call ‘felicity’—I mean the felicity of this life. For there is no such thing as perpetual tranquility of mind while we live here, because life itself is but motion, and can never be without desire, nor without fear, no more than without sense. What kind of felicity God hath ordained to them that devoutly honour Him a man shall no sooner know than enjoy, being joys that now are as incomprehensible as the word of schoolmen ‘beatifical vision’ is unintelligible. (Leviathan I.6, near the end)

The subtlety here is that you vehemently reject Hobbes-type views (VS, pp. 33-34), and yet there seems to be a certain overlap between Hobbes’s views and your own, Miss Rand. Isn’t there?

AR: Do you intend to insult me all night? I’m almost out of cigarettes already. Don’t make me reach for the Benzedrine. Only an immoral cretin would dare to equate Objectivism, the philosophy of Ayn Rand, with the so-called philosophy of that Attila-ist mystic of muscle, Thomas Hobbes.

Professor K: Are you sure you’re not on Benzedrine already?

Professor I: Look, be reasonable. There’s an overlap, or at least an apparent one, between Hobbes’s account and yours, and it stems from your description of the conditionality of life. You say in “The Objectivist Ethics” that life requires a constant process of self-generated and self-sustaining action, and that stillness is the antithesis of life. That sounds rather neurotic, at least on a literal, face-value reading (of the kind you yourself recommend as the right method for reading a text). It almost sounds as though you think that happiness requires manic activity incompatible with tranquility or rest—just like Hobbes.

In fact, having heard you speak about “sense of life” in the past, you sometimes sound as though you’ve integrated mania itself into your sense of life, and turned that mis-integration into a moral imperative. I once heard you condemn as indicative of a lack of self-esteem the positive emotional associations that people have for the folks next door, family picnics, known routines, humble people, old villages, foggy landscapes, folk music, and comfort (RM, p. 27). The common denominator there was supposed to be “the undemanding safety of passivity” (RM, p. 27). But that judgment really seems to presuppose a manic conception of the relation of activity to passivity. Why would comfort or an old, quaint village evoke so intense a condemnation? The connection between them and passivity must be direct, and passivity itself must be something approaching evil, regardless of context.  Both you and Hobbes have a peculiar intensity on this topic.  But you both just seem wrong. You sound like refugees from a civil war or something.

Professor K: Bro, I see your point, but folk music? Give her that one.

Professor I: So how do you differentiate your view from Hobbes’s at the level of moral psychology, even before we get to Hobbes’s views on survival, the state of nature, the state, and so on?

AR: Well, you needn’t continue with your psycho-biographical speculations. Why not just try reading more carefully? I also said that what’s required for survival is determined by an organism’s nature, and that only in a fundamental sense, is stillness the antithesis of life (VS, p. 17).

Professor I: How does that help?

AR: Well, man’s nature could be such as to require stillness in some less-than-fundamental way, or to require some weaker analogue of stillness that fell short of being literal stillness. If that was so, everything I said could be right, and you might just dislike my examples. But not much turns on that. Supply your own examples. I’m sure you can come up with your own examples of an objectionably passive lifestyle.

Professor I: That’s a long way to go in your reliance on the concepts of ‘nature’ and ‘fundamentality’. And pretty hair-splitting about “stillness.”

AR: What’s wrong with that?

Professor I: Nothing, I guess, but it suggests that there are a lot of blanks to fill in, and lots of hairs to split, before Objectivism has very much determinacy as philosophical systems go. You don’t say very much about any of the three concepts–nature, fundamentality, or stillness–and I’m predicting you never will. And yet all three concepts are crucial to getting clear on what you’re saying. A person who didn’t get clear on them might easily call himself an Objectivist but espouse Hobbesian views.

AR: No kidding. Who ever said otherwise? You’re acting like I’m writing up some kind of closed system or something. Do I really look like Leibniz to you? Or Spinoza? Or Hegel? I mean, really. I started the book by saying it wasn’t a systematic discussion of ethics, just a series of essays on those ethical subjects which needed clarification (VS, p. xii). All I did, and claimed to do, was to provide readers like you with a consistent philosophical frame of reference (VS, p. xii). The rest is up to you. Now you’re complaining that I didn’t hold your hand through all the details and doctrinata of the metaphysics of morals. What am I, your philosophical babysitter? You have Ph.Ds. Figure it out your damn selves! Why do I have to do everything?

Professor I: Well, Miss Rand, I really think you’re trying to have it both ways at once. I’m sorry. Sometimes you write as though you were just preparing the ground for the great philosophical labors of the future; sometimes, you write as though Galt’s Speech was the last word in philosophy, and Objectivism was carved in stone there. You can’t have your philosophical system and eat it. First you have to write it. Then you can have it. I wouldn’t advise eating it.

AR: How dare you? That you should presume to slither across the river from the uncivilized hinterlands you inhabit–into this, our City–and speak in this way to the author of Atlas Shrugged!

Professor K:  I think he’s just asking: if we use your essays as a “frame of reference,” and come up with our own discoveries about metaphysics and its relation to ethics–and they’re true–those discoveries need not be ratified by some authority figure to count as elements of the Objectivist Ethics–would they?

AR: Of course not. But check with Nathan before you say anything too overly original and decide to call it “Objectivism.” I mean, there are limits. Objectivism is the name of my system, my achievement, my work—my name rhymes with mine for a reason—and we can’t have a bunch of crazy people going around using “Objectivism” for their own idiosyncratic purposes. That’s why I have to put its guardianship in the hands of a trustworthy person like Nathaniel Branden. Or, well, in the hands of the Collective. Better several pairs of hands than one. After all, what if Murray Rothbard decided to call himself an Objectivist?

Professor I: That doesn’t sound consistent. Philosophically, it almost sounds like a suicide note.

AR: No, my naive friend. You don’t seem to realize that Nathaniel Branden is a genius, in fact, the handsomest genius ever to walk the planet. Trust me, there are different rules for handsome geniuses like him. Get used to it. I have.

Professor I: “Different rules for handsome geniuses”: Is that official Objectivist doctrine?

AR: I just finished telling you there aren’t any official doctrines in Objectivism. We’re philosophers here, not commissars. Anyway, let’s back up and figure out what’s wrong with Mr. Hobbes.

Yes, life requires continual success in obtaining the objects of our desire. And yes, we’re focused on the felicity of this life; there is no other. But Hobbes mistakenly thinks that there’s a valid inference from ‘life itself is motion and can never be without desire’ to ‘there is no such thing as perpetual tranquility of mind.’

Set aside the red herring of perpetual tranquility of mind. Hobbes isn’t merely denying the possibility of perpetual (or eternal) tranquility but of tranquility as such. The issue is the possiibilty of tranquility as such, not perpetual tranquility. If there were no tranquility, it is unclear how there could be such a thing as happiness. An utterly non-tranquil happiness doesn’t make sense. Without tranquility, there would be no conscious acceptance of the world as it is. A person not at civil war with himself must at some level be at peace with himself. And Hobbes’s moral psychology seems incompatible with such a peace.

Hobbes concedes the claim that tranquility is to be gotten in some other realm, if such a realm exists—but he’s awfully cagey about whether or not it does exist. And we all know that it doesn’t. The result is a moral psychology from which tranquility has been banished. He then conceives of happiness as a quest for a form of ‘felicity’ which is never satisfied. That really is neurotic. A series of means going off into a progression toward a nonexistent end is a metaphysical and epistemological absurdity, even if the progression involves a merely finite series (VS, p. 17). And Hobbesian felicity satisfies that description.

Hobbes assumes that an agent’s possession of a desire is by that fact alone incompatible with the agent’s enjoying tranquility. To have a desire is to be pushed or pulled toward some object requiring satisfaction, but the minute you satisfy it, or seem to, another desire springs up based on the one you just satisfied, pushing or pulling you once again. Hobbes treats this story as a conceptual truth about the nature of desire, but the story seems driven—so to speak—by his physics, which ends up being his psycho-physics. We’re always in the grips of desires that keep demanding further satisfaction, as though the desires were quasi-homunculi with their own various agendas for us, whereas no agent has a single integrated agenda of his own for his desires.

For there is no such finis ultimus, (utmost aim), nor summum bonum (greatest good), as is spoken of in the books of the old moral philosophers. Nor can a man any more live, whose desires are at an end, than he whose senses and imagination are at a stand. Felicity is a continual progress of the desire, from one object to another, the attaining of the former, being still but the way to the latter. The cause whereof is, that the object of man’s desire, is not to enjoy once only, and for an instance of time, but to assure forever, the way of his future desire. (Leviathan, I.11)

This is a weaker way of putting the earlier point, but problematically equivocal. On a strong reading of the just-preceding passage, it just assumes what Hobbes needs to prove—that every desire is phenomenologically future-oriented (feels that way), so that there couldn’t be a desire whose satisfaction consisted in securing instances of time that allowed for the tranquility of full satisfaction in one’s current situation and possessions. Well, why not?

On a weak reading, it’s trivial. Yes, if we allow for the possibility of desires for genuine tranquility, the desire has a future orientation: tranquility is a need of a temporally-extended agent, and it makes a causal contribution to the preservation of the agent’s agency in the future. Just compare a full night’s sleep with extended insomnia. A good night’s sleep tonight will, to be sure, help you perform tomorrow’s business better than a bad night’s sleep. Insomnia makes you miserable tonight and tomorrow. But sleep in some sense involves a cessation of desire, no matter what dispositional reading you want to give to the desires that the agent retains while asleep. (Do I still want to be a writer while I’m asleep? It depends what you mean by ‘want to be a writer while asleep.’) Hobbes can hardly deny that some desires come to an end in sleep compatibly with the life of the agent.

Suppose you decide to go to bed at 11 pm with the aim of getting up at 8 am. You do so in the knowledge that deciding to go to bed is not quite the same as deciding to sleep, and setting the alarm for 8 is not quite the same as spontaneously getting up at 8. Ideally, the first two italicized terms would coincide perfectly with one another, as would the last two. But neither of the second items in each pair is directly in your control.

The decision to go to bed at a certain time of night is justified by the contribution to alertness it makes to waking life the next day. But if you fixated all night long on that thought, you’d never go to sleep. Consciousness of the teleological function of sleep has to be compatible with letting go of conscious thoughts and desires about the teleological function of sleep, and about everything else. And what’s true of sleep can be true in a weaker form of other things, like tranquility or repose.

So are your desires “at an end” when you go to sleep, or fall asleep? It’s an equivocal question. In one sense (the teleological sense), your desires realize their end when you fall asleep: you need to sleep, and you satisfy that need; in principle, if you get a good night’s sleep, you can satisfy the need fully. In another sense, in sleep, consciousness temporarily ceases, and with it, desire. So in that sense, in sleep, desire is at an end in the sense that it temporarily ceases to exist. In the first sense, in sleep, you realize your end, and consciousness ceases, in order to bring about a further end in the future—a fact you may fully cognize when you go to bed, but have to stop thinking about in order to go to sleep. But this first sense itself involves a desire. The extinction of desire through sleep (sense 2) is the realization of that future-oriented desire (sense 1). It’s just that you aren’t conscious—and can’t be—of the future-orientation of the desire while it’s being satisfied.

Long story short: what’s true of sleep is true, mutatis mutandis, of tranquility. It’s just a requirement of our nature that we’re obliged to take stock of phenomena like our circadian rhythms. Our circadian rhythms are as much part of our nature as anything else about us, and it would be a mistake to act as though they weren’t there. But our circadian rhythms demand rest.

Why couldn’t some analogue of circadian rhythms in our nature require tranquility? Pace Hobbes, why can’t we have a desire for tranquility, one satisfied by the real, wholehearted experience of tranquility itself—just as we do in the case of sleep? Why can’t that desire be an ineliminable part of our nature—a need of human consciousness analogous to circadian rhythms in the more biological case? We need to come to rest, and be entirely still. We can desire that rest, and when—on appropriate occasion—the desire is satisfied, we experience stillness as stillness, which, after all, is what it is. It may have a future orientation as well, but we don’t focus on that, because if we did, we wouldn’t be tranquil. It’s not self-deception to have an appropriate sense of what is worth focusing on at a given moment and what isn’t.

Sometimes we just come to a full stop—the kind that traffic law requires at stop signs—and need to, in order to keep moving later in the right direction. So contrary to Hobbes, life may require continual success, but one of the successes it requires is the cessation of motion—where the cessation has the teleological function of being for the sake of the continued capacity to generate optimal action.

Of course, you can–if you want–stress that even this “full stoppage” involves a kind of action. We remain conscious. Consciousness is identification, and identification is a conscious action. So even when we come to a full stop, we are doing something. We aren’t shutting down. But my point is that this consciousness is perfectly compatible with the sort of tranquility Hobbes is denying, and that tranquility is essential to happiness.

So Hobbes’s inference from the existence of desire to the impossibility of tranquility is just a non-sequitur.

Czeslaw Milosz

Czeslaw Milosz

Professor K: Actually, there’s an interesting discussion of this topic in Richard Kraut’s What Is Good and Why, published—or, well, it will be published—in 2007 (pp. 158-61). Once you identify Hobbes’s assumption about the perpetual -motion quality of felicity, you see it throughout the entire British ethical tradition. You almost wonder whether it explains the famous neuroticism of some of the British intellectual class.

Professor I: But wait, it’s 1965 right now. Your reference to Kraut is anachronistic. Come on, stay in character. This isn’t “Pulp Fiction.”

Professor K: Sorry.

AR: When I said fundamentally, stillness is the antithesis of life, I didn’t mean to suggest that all forms of stillness are the antithesis of life, full stop, so that you’re obliged always to be in motion, and never to be completely still. What I meant is: as a causal fundamental, life requires action. At that level of causal fundamentality, consciousness itself is active. Mental drift really is fundamentally the antithesis of life, and since consciousness is active,  if consciousness really ceased, life itself would cease. (Metabolic details aside, people in irreversible comas are dead.) Further, productive work has to be in the causal driver’s seat of a rational life. Fundamentally, production is the essence of life, just as Marx thought: Homo sapiens is Homo faber. If you put leisure in the causal role that production is supposed to fill, you would reverse the correct normative priorities, and be led to disaster. Politically, you would get aristocracy, and some coercive form of parasitism–in other words, slavery.

But contrary to the way you’re reading me, I didn’t mean to deny that stillness plays a non-fundamental but causally important role in life. Within the context I’ve just specified, stillness may be as valuable as you’re insisting. You seem to be having trouble with that italicized phrase, but the distinction between causal fundamentality and causal non-fundamentality is not a distinction between the important and the unimportant.

Professor I: Well, this is news to me. You don’t ever come out and say that anywhere. I mean, sorry, but your writing can be very confusing. Imagine saying “sleep is fundamentally the antithesis of life.” The competent English reader would infer that sleep was somehow bad, and that insomnia was to be prized. You could not legitimately correct such a reader by saying, “Well, what I meant was that life is activity, and sleep is inactivity, so sleep isn’t fundamental in the way that ordinary activity is, but it’s still vitally important because it facilitates those activities, and anyway, there’s a sense in which sleep is an activity, since we typically have to decide to go to bed, and further, metabolic activity is taking place during sleep, so there’s a sense in which it ends up active.” That would turn the activity of reading you into something like the activity of reading Aristotle’s Metaphysics Z-H, where every crabbed line requires hundreds of pages of clarification before anyone knows what it really means.

AR: Yeah, well that’s why I never said that sleep was fundamentally the antithesis of life. I spoke of stillness, not sleep. Anyway, I am an Aristotelian, and the Metaphysics is my favorite book, so what’s the problem? Are you an anti-effort personality?

Professor K: You’re evading the issue. The demands you’re making of the reader are presumptuous and unreasonable. For instance, Aristotle refers to ‘hos epi to polu’ generalizations–generalizations that hold “only and for the most part.” You castigate Aristotle for his failure to make ethics an exact science (VS, p. 14), and yet you yourself seem to be endorsing some such conception as his. These references to “fundamentality” all turn out to be epi to polu generalizations with millions of complex qualifications. I doubt even half of your readers realize that, and you almost write as though you didn’t want them to make the realization. Yet you don’t talk about “epi to polu” generalizations at all in your work–you don’t supply the qualifications or write in a qualified way–and your writings often seem at odds with the spirit of what you say about Aristotle and about certainty.

AR: Spirit, shmirit. Stop whining. Some day, go re-read my work with your mind in focus and make a list of the sheer number of times the word “complexity” recurs. I never spare a moment to stress the complexity of the world. Frankly, I’ve always thought that man is his own most bewildering enigma (RM, p. 20). Wow, I like that phrase, actually. I should use it someday.

And I never said a word in criticism of Aristotle on ‘epi to polu‘ generalizations, so stop putting words in my mouth. Listening to you, you’d expect me to have written in Attic Greek. You should hear what I’ll have to say about the contextual character of exactness in my epistemology seminars someday (IOE, pp. 190-96). Again, you seem to be insisting that I supply my readers with common sense and a knowledge of the history of philosophy. I have no such obligation. I had no idea that my actual readership would turn out to be so devoid of capacities for philosophical inquiry–as you two evidently are. So you’ve read some Aristotle and figured it out for yourself. Good for you. So have I. What do you want, a medal?

Professor I: But your writing is a little misleading, if you want my honest opinion. It misleads people into thinking you’re a less subtle thinker than you really are. And it just lacks clarity and explicitness at certain crucial points.

AR: Yeah, well, that’s their problem—people, I mean. I do—or will—discuss the concept of importance in The Romantic Manifesto (a couple of years from now, p. 28). And what I say there is perfectly consistent with what I say about the rule of fundamentality in my epistemology book (also to be published a couple of years from now, p. 45). They’re just two different concepts. No one will have any trouble discerning that my rule of fundamentality is Aristotelian. So if they realize that I’m an Aristotelian, they can read me accordingly, and the problem is solved. I mean, I’m sorry if you bumpkins are so easily confused by things, but I’m not, so I don’t see why I have to cater to your confusions just to straighten you out. I’m not an altruist, you know.

Professor K: It’s not a matter of altruism; it’s a matter of having the patience to offer an exposition commensurate with the cognitive needs of your audience. They aren’t stupid; they just often have no way of knowing WTF you’re talking about. Which is a problem.

AR: What does “WTF” mean?

Professor I: Never mind. I’d like to end with one last passage that seems to capture the nature of happiness as non-contradictory joy.

AR: So are you going to quote Galt? Or Roark?

Professor I: Neither, actually. I was going to quote a poem of Czeslaw Milosz’s called “Gift.”

AR: Czeslaw Milosz? That Catholic-Communist scumbag and hero of my mortal enemy, William F. Buckley?

Professor I: Exactly. Here it is. It’s an excerpt; I don’t know the whole poem.

A day so happy.
Fog lifted early. I worked in the garden.
Hummingbirds were stopping over the honeysuckle flowers.
There was no thing on earth I wanted to possess.
I knew no one worth my envying him.
Whatever evil I had suffered, I forgot.
To think that once I was the same man did not embarrass me.
In my body I felt no pain.
When straightening up, I saw blue sea and sails.

AR: It’s actually kind of beautiful—stylistically, anyway.

Professor I: I thought so. So it captures the nature of non-contradictory joy, right?

Professor K: Right?

Professor I: Sorry, Miss Rand, I didn’t quite hear you…

I never did hear what she said. At that point, Nathaniel Branden and Leonard Peikoff walked in, so we figured that it was time to leave. We walked a few blocks up and over to Port Authority, and took the bus back home to Jersey, watching the skyline of Manhattan recede into the distance.

Irfan

P.S., October 14, 2013: I’ve cleaned up a few grammatical mistakes in the original, and added a few links.

ARI, the Anthem Foundation, and the long arm of rationalization

From The Chronicle of Higher Education, July 13, 2007:

It is not every day that a foundation offers to pour tens of thousands of dollars into a humanities department at a small regional institution. But this past spring, the philosophy department at the San Marcos campus of Texas State University received such an offer — and turned it down.

The invitation came from the Anthem Foundation for Objectivist Scholarship, a California-based organization that promotes the ideas of the late Ayn Rand, whose much-loved and much-loathed novel Atlas Shrugged will mark its 50th anniversary in October. The foundation offered Texas State a long-term grant to pay the salary of a visiting professor whose specialty would be objectivism, as Rand termed her philosophical system.

Since its creation in 2001, the Anthem Foundation has donated roughly $400,000 annually to support research, conferences, and lecture series.

[skipping a few paragraphs…]

Mr. Fulmer and some of his colleagues also had specific worries about the world of Rand scholarship, which has occasionally been marred by schisms and accusations of scholarly foul play. In particular, the Ayn Rand Institute, a nonprofit organization with which the Anthem Foundation is closely associated, has sometimes been accused of enforcing rigid ideological conformity — and even of failing to acknowledge the work of scholars associated with rival organizations.

[skipping a few paragraphs]

The foundation also makes smaller-scale grants to support conferences and lecture series. One recipient is the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, whose philosophy department contains no objectivists.[*] The department has also received grants of more than $500,000 from the BB&T Charitable Foundation to hire visiting instructors or postdoctoral fellows whose specialities are “Aristotle and theories of human nature, ethics and economics, social and political philosophy, or objectivity and values.”

Neither Anthem nor BB&T has meddled in the department’s curriculum, says Geoffrey Sayre-McCord, the department’s chairman. “They’ve been utterly nondirective,” he says. “They’ve both been wonderful.”

[skipping a few paragraphs…]

While researching the objectivist world online, Ms. Raphael began to fear that Anthem’s grants were given only to a narrow range of scholars associated with the Ayn Rand Institute. No Anthem grants appear to go to scholars associated with David Kelley, a former Vassar College philosophy professor who broke with the institute in 1990 amid a personal and ideological dispute that concerned, among other things, whether it is appropriate for objectivists to speak at events organized by libertarians. Mr. Kelley, who now directs the Atlas Society, an objectivist group in Washington, says he can understand that the institute might not want anything to do with him personally. But he believes it is absurd for the institute to demand that its associates “repudiate” any and all scholars who “tolerate” him — a formulation that often appears in objectivist blog posts.

Mr. McCaskey, the Anthem president, says that Ms. Raphael’s concern about narrowness is unfair and unfounded. Many of the Anthem Foundation’s grants, he points out, go to institutions like the University of North Carolina, where there are no objectivists on the faculty.[*] And Mr. Gotthelf noted that he himself has historically had an arm’s-length relationship with the institute. (David Glenn, “Advocates of Objectivism Make New Inroads, ” [requires subscription])

*Actually, that changed in 2008, when UNC-Chapel Hill hired Gregory Salmieri.

From a letter to me written by Yaron Brook, and co-signed by Leonard Peikoff and John McCaskey, dated Jan. 29, 2008:

Dear Mr. Khawaja,

I am writing in response to your recent emails to ARI and to Dr. Peikoff inquiring about ARI’s position on “Fact and Value” and whether agreement with it is a prerequisite for employment as a staff intellectual at ARI. Dr. Peikoff has shared with me your email. With his authorization, I am replying on behalf of both him and ARI.

I have also discussed your emails with John McCaskey, president of the Anthem Foundation and board member of ARI, since you indicated by email that he was one of the “representatives of the Ayn Rand Institute and the Anthem Foundation” with whom you spoke. I will in this letter speak for Dr. McCaskey as well. If there were other ARI or Anthem representatives with whom you spoke, I would appreciate knowing.

Although ARI encourages its board members and other associated with it to let job seekers know about our constant search for talented employees, only a hiring manager is of course in a position to offer someone a job at the Institute. No offer is made without an authorized signature. So to be clear: ARI has not extended to you an offer of employment and is not at this time considering doing so.

Now to address your specific inquiry. To be employed as an intellectual representative of ARI requires a demonstration that one understands and agrees with Ayn Rand’s philosophy and ARI’s mission. Since the philosophic claims made in “Fact and Value” are to be found in Ayn Rand’s philosophic work and form part of her philosophy, an inability to understand those claims is certainly relevant to employment as a staff intellectual at ARI. Outright rejection of those claims, which you state is your position, is incompatible with such employment.

There is no disagreement on this matter between ARI, Dr. Peikoff, or Dr. McCaskey. Thus I do not believe that I, Dr. Peikoff, Dr. McCaskey, or any authorized representative of ARI would say that someone’s current understanding and acceptance of “Fact and Value” are, as you put it, “irrelevant” to employment in an intellectual position at the Institute. No one I have spoken with about this matter believes he ever said or implied that.

Past misunderstanding or disagreement with “Fact and Value” (or with any of the other principles of Objectivism) does not, of course, necessarily preclude someone from employment in an intellectual position at ARI. So if your evaluation of “Fact and Value” changes fundamentally, feel free to let us know.

Finally, let me clear up a couple of misunderstandings you seem to have. You refer to “membership in ARI” and “participation in its activities.” ARI is not a club. It has no “members.” Anyone can participate in its activities by, for example, becoming a donor or attending one of our public lectures or summer conferences. Also, you refer to “activities sponsored by the Anthem Foundation.” Anthem makes grants to universities, and the grants support a wide range of scholarly activities. Someone “vehemently . . . rejecting” a tenet of Objectivism, as you say you do of “Fact and Value,” would not qualify for any direct and substantial grant from Anthem itself. But the criteria for participation in activities conducted by grant recipients — whether classes, workshops, lectures, colloquia, edited volumes, etc. — are left to the discretion of the grant recipient and his or her university. We hope this helps you understand the organizations.

Sincerely,

Yaron Brook
President & Executive Director

The Ayn Rand Institute
2121 Alton Parkway
Suite 250
Irvine, CA 92606

Here’s the correspondence with Brook in full.

I would be curious to know whether Geoffrey Sayre-McCord would be willing, in light of the preceding, to re-affirm the claim he made in the CHE article about UNC Chapel Hill’s not being directed by an external non-academic funding source. Whether he realized it or not, he was flat wrong, and his association with the Anthem Foundation compromised the academic integrity of UNC Chapel Hill’s Philosophy Program. That is a scandal, and it deserves to be more widely known than it is. Professor Raphael (quoted in the CHE article) turned out to be entirely correct about the consequences, intended or unintended, of UNC’s association with Anthem, and by implication, with the Ayn Rand Institute.

Anyway, feel free to draw your own conclusions and act accordingly.

Irfan

P.S. When I said that Peikoff and McCaskey had “co-signed” Brook’s letter, what I meant was that he spoke for them in the letter with their (apparent) authorization.  I didn’t mean that the letter literally bore their signatures.

P.P.S. By the way, I must apologize to Yaron Brook for keeping him in the dark all these years about who it was that told me that agreement with “Fact and Value” was irrelevant to employment in an intellectual position at the Ayn Rand Institute. It was Allan Gotthelf, in the late fall of 2007. I told him that I rejected “Fact and Value” and everything it implied. He told me that that didn’t much matter to being involved with ARI or Anthem; there were ways of being involved with ARI on the scholarly side without too loudly disclosing my thoughts on such taboo subjects. I told him I didn’t do things that way. We argued about it off and on for the next four years. I’m not done with the argument.

Don Watkins on libertarianism

While I’m digging up the problematic views of various ARI-affiliated people on libertarianism/Libertarianism–Peter Schwartz, Leonard Peikoff, John Allison, Yaron Brook, Harry Binswanger, John McCaskey (well, once-affiliated)–I should draw attention to the views of their equally meritorious peer, Don Watkins. He is, after all, a Facebook-certified Public Figure.

For those of you who might think that 1989-90 is too far back in the past to bother with, here is Watkins telling us, in 2004, that libertarianism is on par with Islamism. Oh, excuse me; I got that wrong. Here he is comparing “accepting a speaking invitation for a libertarian function with accepting a speaking engagement for an Islamist function.”

I did not compare libertarians with radical Islamists. I compared accepting a speaking invitation for a libertarian function with accepting a speaking engagement for an Islamist function. Is there a degree of difference between those two groups? Sure, but it’s the principle that’s important. And the relevant principle is the issue of lending one’s moral sanction to destructive ideas.

Oh, well that clarifies everything. When you compare accepting a speaking invitation for an X-function with accepting one at a Y-function, no comparison of X to Y is involved or intended. Imagine that libertarians are not at all comparable to Islamists. Now compare speaking at a libertarian function with speaking at an Islamist one. Apparently, there is some similarity there–the destructiveness of both ideas, libertarianism and Islamism–but that similarity has nothing to do with either idea, libertarianism or Islamism. If anyone can make Watkins’s thoughts on this subject even semi-intelligible, feel free to enlighten me in the comments.

Also feel free, if you have the time, inclination, and patience, to read the whole comment thread from beginning to end. Here you will learn from Don Watkins that it is definitely not OK to sanction libertarianism. Meanwhile, it was OK for Leonard Peikoff to speak at the libertarian Laissez-Faire Supper Club. No sanction there! But it was not OK for David Kelley to speak at the same organization–because there was sanction there. You’ll learn that Kelley was not expelled from ARI or the Objectivist movement for speaking to libertarians–even though Schwartz made explicit reference to the evil of speaking to libertarians in a document that explicitly attacked David Kelley, and even if speaking to them is the reason why Don Watkins feels the need to anathematize Kelley on a purely private, ex post facto basis in 2004. You’ll learn that while it was evil for Kelley to make a one-time speaking appearance at a libertarian function, it is not evil for Objectivist philosophy professors like Robert Mayhew to sign years-long employment contracts with Catholic universities (Seton Hall), even Catholic universities that conceive Catholicism as an explicit part of their mission statement. But read it yourself. I don’t want to spoil the fun of discovery.

I leave it as an exercise for the reader to figure out what “principle” is involved in Watkins’s claims above. Whatever that “principle” is, it evidently doesn’t apply to contexts where Don Watkins himself lends his moral sanction to a libertarian organization. Why would it? That action involves a completely different principle, the Don Watkins-a-career-opportunity-is-waiting-for-me-so-I-better-quietly-turn-on-a-dime-and-hope-no-one-notices principle.

If at this point you invoke the magic talisman of “context” and repeat it very loudly to yourself, followed immediately by “Abracadabra Peikoff Schwartz Brook Ayn Rand moral sanction capitalism!” you will discover how all of Watkins’s claims manage to coalesce into a coherent and integrated whole. Don’t forget the exclamation point. It won’t work otherwise.

While we’re exploring the various avenues of evasion and rationalization: is the Foundation for Economic Education really a libertarian organization? The name doesn’t have “libertarian” in it, after all, so maybe they’re not. Perhaps they make an assiduous effort to avoid the word “libertarian” in anything to which they lend their moral sanction? Well, anything–except all the hits that come up when you plug the word “libertarian” into their search function. I must confess that I didn’t count the hits because I didn’t get to the end of them. I stopped after the thirty-fourth page.

In fairness to him, Mr. Watkins has his own worked-out position on libertarianism. He doesn’t like it. Never mind that this dislike contradicts the official ARI view that “libertarianism” is improving.

Watkins: I don’t like the term “libertarian”—it’s too vague and imprecise—and I definitely don’t want to be associated with Ron Paul. By contrast, I stand for pure, uncompromised laissez-faire capitalism, which has meant the same thing since the term was invented in France in the nineteenth century: “Hands off!”

The U.S. economy would fare well under freedom. When people are free to produce, trade, and keep the results, prosperity results. It always has.

Isn’t not “liking” something a confession of subjectivism about it? And isn’t this shabby, rote recitation of the new (approximation to the) party line an anemic come-down from Watkins’s comparison, eight years earlier, of libertarianism to Islamism? By parity of reasoning, are we to infer that Watkins doesn’t “like” Hamas, Hezbullah, the Taliban, and Al Qaeda? Is “Islamism” too “vague and imprecise” for him?

Coming the other way around: How did libertarianism go from unsanctionably immoral to “vague and imprecise” in the space of eight years? What facts are supposed to induce us to believe in this magical transformation, and why are no such facts ever adduced when the transformation is invoked? Could it be, perhaps, that “vague and imprecise” characterizes the volitionally-induced mental processes of the people who would like to believe the new ARI party line, rather than any fact about the semantics of the term itself?

I hesitate to cast further aspersions on the premier exponents of “the uncompromised case for capitalism,” and on self-described “voices of reason.” I only wonder: if this is their idea of a morally uncompromised defense of capitalism, what would happen to us if–as inevitably happens–they were someday to take power and find that they had to make compromises in the name of realpolitik? If you reflect a bit on this question, you may find yourself realizing that it might be preferable to be governed by the first thousand or so names in an old-fashioned phone book than by Yaron Brook, Don Watkins, and 998 of their closest friends and supporters.

Irfan

Khawaja-Peikoff exchange on libertarianism

About a year ago, I had–or started–an email exchange with Leonard Peikoff over the nature of libertarianism, and more specifically, over the moral justifiability of John Allison’s choice to become CEO of the Cato Institute. I’ve reprinted the exchange in the post below, prefaced by 2,000 words of background commentary. There’s actually a great deal more to say by way of background on the subject than 2,000 words, but I lack the time to say it all, so for now, I’ll just leave things at what I do say, and return to the topic when I can.

For decades, the Ayn Rand Institute (ARI) had taken the position that libertarianism–or “Libertarianism,” as they then insisted on calling it–was an evil, nihilistic ideology on par with totalitarianism, and that all dealings with it (“trafficking”) were likewise evil. One fact concealed from view now is that this original position of theirs included, as an implication of their “theoretical” critique of libertarianism, an in-print condemnation of both the Cato Institute and Reason magazine The point of the original critique, made very explicit by them, was that libertarianism is a unified ideology with a single nihilistic essence, and that Cato and Reason were instances of this same nihilism (and “nihilism” was their word). The point was not a terminological one but a supposedly philosophical one. The point was that libertarianism qua libertarianism was nihilistic, and that any attempt to deal with it, reform it, talk to it, divide it into reasonable and unreasonable wings, or have any contact with it at all, was evil. Do it, and you were evil.

That, too, was the word they used—“evil”—over and over for years, in unmistakable condemnation of anyone who deviated even slightly from their party line. That was why they excommunicated David Kelley in 1989, and why they anathematized those of us—including yours truly—who made common cause with Kelley back in the 1990s. According to Leonard Peikoff, Peter Schwartz and their submissive followers, Kelley’s nihilistic/subjectivist immorality consisted in distinguishing between nihilistic and reasonable “wings” within libertarianism, and making common cause with the latter. In other words, Kelley’s immorality consisted in holding the very position that ARI now holds, but holding it in advance of ARI’s doing so. Apparently, prescience-via-a-correct-understanding-of-politics is evil, too.

To deny these undeniable facts—facts documented in Kelley’s book, and obvious to anyone who was engaged with libertarian politics over the past two decades—is to try to deceive the public with a straight face, while expecting that public to accept deception with a straight face. Put differently, it’s to make deception the sine qua non of a supposedly “moral” defense of a free society. The premise here seems to be: embrace capitalism by deceiving yourself and others about the intellectual history of the movement that aims to be the salvation of capitalism. If that is the premise on which today’s Objectivist “intellectual activism” rests, I’m proud to be a quietist. Let these loud “moralists” lie to one another and build freedom on the quicksands of deception. But count me out. Or rather, I gladly count myself out. There can, in the worst case, be a kind of dignity in obscurity and political irrelevance. There is no dignity in fraud.

To confirm what I’ve just said, feel free to take a look at The Intellectual Activist, Vol. 3, Numbers 19 & 20, May 10, 1985, p. 487, where you’ll find the explicit denunciation of both Cato and Reason by Peter Schwartz, whose views on libertarianism remain canonical at ARI, even if the man himself seems to have fallen off the map. Nowadays, of course, the CEO of Cato is an ex-ARI Board Member who professes to be bewildered by ideological disputes of this sort (as Gary Weiss documents in Ayn Rand Nation, he merely lent his name to them without understanding them), and the Executive Director of ARI feels free to talk to Reason without anyone on either side of the conversation’s batting an ideological eye. They do all this in a calm, self-assured, unapologetic way, as though nothing could conceivably be wrong with it. On this point, I think Kant got something right: it’s the very composure of a villain that not only makes him far more dangerous than usual, but also makes him more abominable in our eyes than he would otherwise have been.

ARI’s idea of a response to this is to produce an FAQ that invents the claim that libertarianism has changed, and that they’ve changed with it. They make no attempt to provide any evidence for the claim over and above asserting it. They make no attempt to explain how there can be evidence of a change in the essence of a doctrine, from nihilism to reasonability, over the space of twenty years. They make no attempt to explain how the supposed change in the meaning of a word has any bearing whatsoever on the essence of the doctrine that the word picked out. They don’t explain how their new position differs in any important way from the position taken by David Kelley at the time of the original dispute.  They can’t even manage to figure out whether or not to capitalize the “l” in the word “libertarian.” They don’t capitalize it in the FAQ, but the FAQ endorses Schwartz’s essay which not only capitalizes it, but does so by systematically falsifying quotations (e.g., by works from Rothbard) which included the word “libertarian” without a capital L. The assumption here seems to be that when ARI offers gigantic, ad hoc socio-semantic generalizations in defense of its ideological stance, everyone is to take their word for it—and take out their checkbooks while they’re at it.

ARI is perfectly content to preside over a dialogue of the deaf in which one mindless dogmatist tries to outdo the others in producing “evidence” for claims for which no evidence has ever been adduced, and for which, frankly, none exists. This game, Brook et al know, can go on forever without threatening the monopoly ARI claims over Objectivism. Maybe some day, some fool will produce a “proof” of the claim that libertarianism really has changed in the required direction, thereby justifying or successfully rationalizing ARI’s new-found liaisons with Cato, Reason, and the like. Where two decades ago these organizations were emblems of “nihilism,” we’re now to  believe that, by some inexplicable political alchemy, they constitute the infrastructure of a totally different, perfectly reasonable political movement. By the time that this hypothetical “proof” is written (if it ever is), published, argued over, and hailed as genius, ARI’s job will long since have been done: the reconciliation with libertarianism will be taken for granted, and the “proof” will simply seal the deal. No one will care whether or not it makes sense. After all, who cares whether ARI’s claims make sense right now? Here we are, a year after the John Allison controversy, and almost everyone in “the movement” has essentially acquiesced in the fraud that it involves.

Of course, most readers of this post will not even have access to back issues of The Intellectual Activist. So you won’t easily be able to check the facts I’ve just cited. As it happens, you can’t easily purchase back issues of TIA online or anywhere else, either. Nor, of course, have the relevant documents been posted online. Nor, I suspect, will they be in the foreseeable future. The copyright-holder of my copy of TIA, apparently impossible to contact (he hasn’t answered emails from IOS in six months’ time), very affirmatively asserts his copyright in back issues of TIA, and might well threaten to sue me were I to reproduce its contents here, which I’d really love to do. So, as much as I’d like to sit here and transcribe Peter Schwartz’s lost writings on libertarianism (or “Libertarianism”), the fear of expected aggression by these defenders of freedom prevents me from doing so. If I can get legal clearance, however, I will do it.

WE HAVE THE WORLD TO WIN, YOU and I!

I am Peikoff, the Great and Terrible! Behind me lurks Peter Schwartz. He it is who fuels my fires!

Ask yourself whether this situation can really be an accident. How is it that people who, left to their own devices, will put Ayn Rand’s marginalia and private journals on sale–who archive every scrap of paper she ever produced with a religious fervor that rivals the veneration of the saints in Catholicism and Sufi Islam–refuse to make available documents of this degree of historical relevance and significance? But “make available” is probably taking things too far. When was the last time you heard them mentioned?

I realize that the younger generation of Objectivists is excited by the progress that ARI appears to be making in its defense of Objectivism and capitalism through student activism, scholarship, and the like. I would even acknowledge that ARI’s programs are (at least to outward appearance) more dynamic and exciting than that of any of their competitors. ARI has the money, the personnel, and the infrastructure to make things happen, and they seem to have (and would like to appear to have) a monopoly on the knowledge and the scholarship that every Objectivist student wants. If you think that in this respect, ARI beats TAS, I sympathize with you. And I suppose that the difference between the two organizations is not just a matter of material resources but of attitude. ARI takes its student programs seriously. TAS clearly does not. IOS, as we say on our own website, is much too small and low-budget an operation directly to compete with either ARI or TAS. (We set it up to complement, not compete with, TAS.) So support for ARI seems a foregone conclusion.

But it shouldn’t be. Excitement about ARI really ought to be tempered by a sober knowledge of the price at which ARI’s apparent progress has come. And that involves some historical inquiry. You may be tempted to dismiss the need for such an inquiry on the grounds of a lack of interest in history itself, but resist that temptation. For one thing, 1989-90 wasn’t that long ago, unless you’d like to consign the falling of the Berlin Wall and the Rushdie threat to the dustbin of forgotten history as well. At any rate, how different is historico-volitional amnesia about ARI circa 1989-90 from the analogous attitude toward capitalism among statists? We’ve all met statists who think that the history of capitalism in the late nineteenth century “shows” conclusively that “capitalism doesn’t work.” Such people dogmatically refuse to revisit their understanding of history, and by implication, refuse to revise their conception of capitalism or freedom. The thing to say to them is that sometimes knowledge requires checking one’s premises, and sometimes premise-checking requires that one engage in what appears at first to be a boring historical inquiry. But that is the thing to say here, too.

Test your own consistency, then. Does it make sense to say that you care about the true-but-forgotten history of capitalism in the 1890s, but not the true but half-forgotten Objectivist ideological disputes of the 1990s? Does it make sense to put so much of a premium on the need for a moral defense of capitalism–the distinctive feature of the Objectivist approach, they keep telling us–and then profess indifference to the morality of the supposed defenders? They themselves insist that the principle of sanction be at the center of any approach to politics. Does that principle not apply to them?

Can anyone really afford to adopt the attitude toward ARI’s history that Mr. Thompson adopts toward John Galt’s speech in Atlas Shrugged–while invoking John Galt as the moral hero of the novel, and the novel itself as the key to mankind’s future? History doesn’t become unreal or unimportant by virtue of one’s failure to think about it. Orwell and Huxley ought to have taught us that by now, but so did Leonard Peikoff and Ayn Rand. Recall that it was Leonard Peikoff himself who taught us that you can’t dismiss the significance of facts whose significance you’ve never bothered to evaluate. Oh, the irony. Well, thanks, Dr. Peikoff. I’m grateful to have learned that lesson from you—and glad to have the chance to hoist you by the petard from it.

At any rate, here is the letter exchange I had with Peikoff, essentially verbatim, except to delete email addresses, and clean up a few typos. I justify the admittedly hostile tone of my opening letter by Peikoff’s behavior with me in an exchange that preceded the one I excerpt below (and to which I allude in the letter itself):

Sent: Wednesday, August 22, 2012 10:29 AM

Subject: Question from Website

A question has been submitted on Peikoff.com

Name: Irfan Khawaja

OptIn: no

Question:

What is your moral assessment of the Ayn Rand Institute’s recent raapproachement with the libertarian movement, including John Allison’s becoming CEO of the Cato Institute?

I don’t mean this primarily as a question of practical politics. I mean it primarily as a moral issue. For two decades, your name has (justifiably) been associated with the view that libertarianism is evil, that “trafficking” with libertarianism is evil, and that trafficking with the traffickers is evil. Now the organization you founded, and in whose name you promulgated the preceding view, is contradicting your position as though it had never been articulated in the first place.

Most people are (justifiably) inclined to regard your silence on this issue as sanction of ARI’s current pro-libertarian policy. After all, you took the time to denounce Allan Gotthelf’s book On Ayn Rand in 2000. Surely the present issue is of greater importance than that, and yet you’ve said nothing about it. If a man takes the time publicly to denounce a 100 page book meant for undergraduates, but remains silent about a policy-decision involving the application of Objectivist principles to a multi-million dollar think tank, we can assume that he sanctions the latter policy. If you have indeed taken a public position, accept my apologies for my premature criticism, but I have looked, and cannot find any such position. If it exists, it has not been well advertised.

My real question therefore is: why are you sanctioning a policy that you have spent a good part of your career denouncing as evil? If you think that’s an illegitimate question, feel free to explain why, but I don’t think it is. Or answer the more neutral question with which I opened this note. They’re obviously related to each other.

Feel free to answer or not to answer my questions as you wish, but don’t misrepresent them, and don’t hand them off to Yaron Brook to answer as you did four years ago when I asked some similar questions of you. I’m asking the question of you, not him or anyone else. His idea of answering a question is to hand it off to Debi Ghate, whose idea of answering a question is to fabricate a question that wasn’t asked, and then give it a pointless and irrelevant answer. I’m not the kind of person who can be appeased by childish maneuevers of this kind. I’d like a straight answer, or none at all. I’ll know what to infer in either case.

To my surprise, Peikoff responded somewhat positively, if rather non-committally:

From: Leonard Peikoff

Sent: Tuesday, September 11, 2012 3:15 PM

To: Irfan Khawaja

Subject: Your questions

Dear Irfan,

Let me say that your letter is well written and your question is valid and deserves an answer. Unfortunately, I cannot give you one at this time, because I am not yet clear about the nature of the events to which you refer. I am gathering information with a view to achieving such clarity.

When I do, I will write to you and give you my answer.

Sincerely yours,

Leonard Peikoff

I waited until February of the following year to write back. By that time, Peikoff had done a podcast with Yaron Brook on libertarianism, deferring entirely to Brook on the subject, letting Brook set the agenda and assert the ARI party line without a murmur of dissent, or even the saving grace of a single pointed or intelligent question. Listening to Peikoff, a man for whom I have a great deal of anger but also a fair bit of strictly intellectual respect, I found myself mortified and embarrassed for him.

I was for awhile at a loss about how to respond. I figured Peikoff would, as promised, write me back. He didn’t. I waited several months, then wrote this (for me) excruciating exercise in what people too casually call “civility”:

From: Irfan Khawaja
Sent: Sunday, February 03, 2013 8:44 PM
To: Leonard Peikoff
Subject: RE: Your questions

Dear Dr Peikoff,

I don’t mean to rush you, but I wonder if, ultimately, your answer to my question from September is any different from the answer that was in effect given to it on the website of ARI a few months back. I listened to the podcast you did with Yaron Brook on the subject of libertarianism this past fall, and didn’t discern a difference between the two of you on libertarianism. I take it that the essay below gives Brook’s answer. May I infer that you agree with it? Is your view substantially different from his?

http://www.aynrand.org/site/PageServer?pagename=ari_libertarianism_qa

Sincerely,

Irfan Khawaja

On Thursday, February 7, 2013, at 2:13 pm, His Majesty Lord Peikoff, referring to me now rather distantly and formally as “Mr. Khawaja,” sent me his final, dismissive response:

Dear Mr. Khawaja,

I know of no difference between our views.

Sincerely,

Leonard Peikoff

(Dictated but not read)

The sheer caution of the formulation is worth noting in this, the self-appointed monarch of moral certainty. My question: Do you agree with Yaron Brook? His answer: I know of no reason why I don’t. Well, dear Leonard, if you don’t, who would? Dictated but not read? Or dictated but not defended?

So this is the way Objectivist quarrels end–not with an honest resolution but with an evasive and agnostic whimper. Go back and read “Fact and Value” and ask yourself whether anything remains of the fire-breathing philosophical dragon who wrote it. What happened to claims like this?

A valuer, in her sense, is a man who evaluates extensively and intensively. That is: he judges every fact within his sphere of action—and he does it passionately, because his value-judgments, being objective, are integrated in his mind into a consistent whole, which to him has the feel, the power and the absolutism of a direct perception of reality. Any other approach to life comes from and pertains to another philosophy, not to Objectivism.

Savor the phrasing. “Evaluates extensively and intensively.” “Judges every fact within his sphere of action.” Judges “passionately,” in confirmation of “the absolutism of a direct perception of reality.”

Hold that moral jet-fuel in your mind. Now juxtapose it with the real import of Peikoff’s letter:

I have dictated but not read my answer to your admittedly well-written question, which I have not answered despite promising to answer it. I have done exactly what I implicitly promised not to do when I said that your question was well-written and that you had asked a valid question. I promised to look into the facts, but have given you no indication whatever of having done so. The two decades of strife and anathematizations on this subject that I initiated mean nothing to me now. They need no justification. They need no explanation. After all, I, Leonard Peikoff, am the author of the DIM Hypothesis.  I free-wheel across the centuries with the agility and abandon of a Hegelian on cocaine. What reason would I have to take you seriously? I do not concern myself with prosaic happenings on planet Earth, even when they involve decades-long events that I myself set in motion. It’s sufficient to say that I have rented my mind to Yaron Brook, and have let him empty the contents of his mind into mine.

That is my answer to you, Mr. Khawaja. My answer is to point, with abject humility, at my tutor. Yaron Brook. He knows. I don’t. I am Ayn Rand’s intellectual heir. He is my intellectual heir. Intellectual inheritance is a transitive relation, and it ends wherever I say it does, diluting the knowledge that it transmits across itself from one dead dogma to the next. That is the great thing about being a dictator: I can presume the stature of majesty while acting the part of an infant. Good day.

“We never had to take it seriously, did we?” Dagny asks Galt when she reaches Galt’s Gulch. If only we didn’t.

Unfortunately, we don’t inhabit Galt’s Gulch. So we do.

Irfan

9/11: twelve years later

Here’s some material pertinent to 9/11, twelve years later.

As this not-bad article in USA Today suggests, interest in 9/11 is, naturally enough, waning. I’d argue that it’s been waning for at least five years if not more. To some degree, the focus is now less on the event itself than on our reactions to it.

Here’s something I wrote for a symposium at The College of New Jersey in November 2001–“How Not to Explain September 11“–disputing what I call the “grievance explanation” for 9/11. With the exception of the factual mistake noted in footnote 1, I still stand by it twelve years later.

Here’s a related talk I gave in 2011 to the Association for Core Texts and Courses on teaching Osama bin Laden’s “Letter to the Americans.” Coincidentally, the US military assassinated bin Laden about a week after I gave the talk.

This (translated) set of blog posts by Khalil Ahmad of the Alternate Solutions Institute in Lahore, Pakistan discusses the bin Laden assassination from (what I regard as) a very reasonable Pakistani perspective.

A related piece (for which I lack an electronic or online copy) is “‘Why They Hate Us’: A Pedagogical Proposal,” published in 2010, which discusses what’s required to “understand” 9/11. I’m happy to say that I’m in the process of putting a course together here at Felician based on the proposal.

I likewise lack an electronic or online copy of an essay I co-wrote on 9/11 rumors with Gary Alan Fine of Northwestern University, a well-known sociologist of rumor. But you can see a bit of it via Google Books. The essay explains the prevalence of 9/11 rumors by way of Thomas Nagel’s famous question “What is it like to be a bat?” (in this case, of course, the question becomes, “What is it like to be a terrorist?”).

The immediate impetus for the essay was a (false) rumor to the effect that the Arabs of Paterson, New Jersey had celebrated 9/11 en masse. Arguably, a handful of teenagers in Arab South Paterson had gone out onto Main St, and did some exulting directly after 9/11, or something like it. I’ve queried residents and journalists about it for years and have gotten some credible testimony from residents to that effect. But there was no large-scale celebration.

Here’s an interview I did with The Jewish Standard of Teaneck, NJ  in December 2002 on related issues.

Park51 OpenHouse

Park51 OpenHouse (Photo credit: AslanMedia). Do these people deserve to die? Ask Leonard Peikoff.

Finally, in 2010, I wrote a letter to Reason magazine criticizing the anti-Muslim views of the activist Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Leonard Peikoff. For whatever reason, Reason published the Hirsi Ali part of the letter but omitted the Peikoff part. The Peikoff part of the letter refers to his deranged views on the (misnamed) “Ground Zero Mosque.” Here’s the letter in its uncut form:

To Reason magazine, Nov. 7, 2010.

I very much appreciated Jesse Walker’s critique of Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Leonard Peikoff in “Forced to Be Free” (Nov. 2010). But he understates his case against both of them.

Walker takes issue with Ayaan Hirsi Ali for calling for the abolition of Muslim schools in the United States, and then claims that “at least she speaks with direct experience of the ugly side of Islam.” That’s misleading. I don’t dispute that Hirsi Ali’s life experiences have been horrific, but the fact is, she has almost zero first-hand experience of Muslim life in the U.S., as distinct from Muslim life in East Africa, Saudi Arabia, and Holland. That lack of experience has not prevented her from offering extravagant generalizations about the nature of Muslim-American mosques, schools, and families, a contradiction lost both on Hirsi Ali and her defenders.

As for Leonard Peikoff, Walker quotes Peikoff’s claim that “permission should be refused” for the construction of Park51–the so-called “Ground Zero Mosque”– “and if they go ahead and build it, the government should bomb it out of existence, evacuating it first, with no compensation to any of the property owners involved in this monstrosity.”

It’s worth noting that apart from being immoral, Peikoff’s suggestion is incoherent. Recall that Peikoff regards Park51 as fair game for an attack because he regards the United States as at war with all Muslims as such, regardless of their involvement in terrorism. On his view, Park51 is the equivalent of an Islamist military base in New York City. Contrary to Peikoff, however, it makes no sense to evacuate a military base before bombing it. The target in an attack on a military base is not just the base’s infrastructure but its personnel, with non-combatant civilians regarded as collateral damages. If Park51 is the equivalent of a military base, then the same principle must apply to it. If so, Peikoff cannot consistently demand that the building be bombed after evacuation: he must accept the fact that on his own rationale, if Park51 is to be bombed, every person in it is, for purposes of bombing, either a direct target or a regrettable but justified casualty of any bombing. In other words, he ought more forthrightly to face the fact that stripped of its ad hoc rationalizations, what he’s prescribing in the name of freedom is mass murder. The rest of us ought more forthrightly to face it, too.

Irfan

P.S., 12:17 pm: A quick afterthought to the foregoing. From a certain perspective, the links above seem not to have any real unifying theme; they’re on disparate topics and criticize parties on all sides of various conventional disputes. The motivation that links them is my conviction that–to paraphrase Christopher Hitchens–even when justified, warfare poisons everything. I thought and still think that Bush’s decision to attack Al Qaeda and the Taliban after 9/11 was justified. Though I don’t accept the nation-building rationale in Afghanistan or elsewhere, and think we should have left a long time ago, the fact remains that we are there (“we” includes the US and its allies), and vulnerable to attack by the Taliban and Al Qaeda. For that reason, I remain in favor of drone attacks on both. Having said that, even the most justified war creates the dangers of coming to resemble the monsters we’re (justifiably) trying to fight. So if I were to summarize what the links say, it’d be the following:

1. “How Not to Explain 9/11”: Don’t make excuses for Al Qaeda.

2. “Bin Laden’s Letter”: Know the enemy in the strong epistemic sense of “know.”

3. “Letters from Lahore”: Don’t ignore the difficult situation of your allies, but don’t make excuses for them, either.

4. “Why They Hate Us”: Understanding precedes evaluation, so tailor your evaluations even of your enemies to your understanding of them.

5. “Celebrating Arabs”: Rumors are a form of pseudo-knowledge or anti-knowledge. Don’t believe them, and don’t spread them.

6. Jewish Standard interview: Don’t make excuses for racism even if the racists in question are themselves often victims of racism (e.g., Islamic anti-Semitism). (I don’t mean that “Islam” is a race; I mean that Muslims are often victims of racism.)

7. Reason letter: Don’t regard the peaceful citizens of your own country (e.g., Muslim Americans) as the equivalent of your mortal enemies on the basis of stupid stereotypes, over-simplified generalizations, and rhetorical hot air.

Work in progress (3)

An embarrassment of riches in recent work to announce….

(1) Carrie-Ann has just published a six page review in The Journal of Value Inquiry of Aeon J. Skoble’s Deleting the State: An Argument about Government (Open Court, 2008). The online version was published on Tuesday, but is only accessible for now to those with online access to the journal via a university library (unless you want to pay $40 for a book review).  Here’s the last paragraph, which involves a very Objectivist inversion of Albert Jay Nock‘s description of the state:

Although it ultimately does not make a persuasive case for anarchism or offer a definitive critique of libertarianism, Deleting the State raises many important conceptual and moral issues involved in political philosophy’s most fundamental question, namely, “Why have a state?” This book should rouse limited-state theorists from their slumbers, for there is much work yet to be done in making the case that limited state is not a “necessary evil,” but a positive good.

She almost sounds like she’s describing “Our Friend, the State.” (Well, she doesn’t put it that way, but I might.) Skoble’s book was also the subject of a discussion note by Stephen Kershnar in the fall 2011 issue of Reason Papers. The two critiques of Skoble are very different, and are usefully compared and contrasted (after you’ve read Skoble’s book!).

(2) As just about everyone knows, liberal arts education is under attack nowadays, at least in the United States, in part because it costs so much, and in part because (given the first problem) people no longer regard it as having a defensible rationale. The critique is very old (in a way it stretches back to the ancient sophists), but in my view it began in its most recent incarnation with the publication of Charles Murray’s book, Real Education: Four Simple Truths for Bringing America’s Schools Back to Reality (Three Rivers Press, 2007). I read Murray’s book very closely when it came out, and was in the middle of writing a review of it when the journal for which I was writing the review (Democratiya) closed shop for lack of funds (oh, the irony). Like so much of Murray’s work, Real Education is a frustrating combination of insight and claptrap, but the claptrap in it has for several years been exploited to argue for the pointlessness of a liberal arts education. In this 7 minute promotional video for Marymount Manhattan College, Carrie-Ann takes heartfelt issue with such claims. Yes, I know it’s mere vulgar advertising, but then (as Leonard Peikoff memorably put it), so was “Philosophy: Who Needs It.”

Peter Saint-Andre's Tao of Roark

Peter Saint-Andre’s Tao of Roark

(3) I missed this when it happened, but this past May, my friend Peter Saint-Andre published The Tao of Roark: Variations on a Theme from Ayn Rand.  (There’s a free version of it at his website, but the preceding link goes to the paperback book version for sale.) Peter, the ultimate way-out-of-the-movement-quasi-Objectivist, has a unique take on Objectivism that has to be experienced…to be experienced. Back in the day, Peter and I used to shoot the Objectivist breeze in the coffeeshops of Princeton, NJ, where he tried to convince me (decades before I realized that he was right) that the Objectivist movement was a pointless and essentially unhealthy enterprise, and that I ought to balance my Roark-derived Stoic predilections with a dash of equally Roarkian Epicureanism. I eventually tried both of his claims on for size, and they both ended up making a hell of a lot of sense. Peter came at Objectivism in a refreshingly unorthodox way (and still does): I left every one of those encounters with food for thought, and I think I see aspects of our conversations here and in Peter’s other written work. Read him–I don’t think you’ll go hungry, either.

Irfan

Work in progress

Elsewhere on this site, I’ve suggested that what Objectivism needs is a much fuller development as a system of thought and practice. In my view, the key to that development will have to be a significant increase in output by Objectivist scholars.

For reasons worth exploring, self-described Objectivists have been very slow to produce and publish high quality work. As I see it, most of the best work by self-identified Objectivists in the last decade has been done under the auspices of the Anthem Foundation, and/or the Ayn Rand Society. As good as some of this work has been, however, it raises troubling moral questions. The Anthem Foundation is explicitly governed by the strictures of Leonard Peikoff’s “Fact and Value” and Peter Schwartz’s “On Sanctioning the Sanctioners” and “On Moral Sanctions[1]; meanwhile, both co-chairs of the Ayn Rand Society agree with those strictures, and in an apparent sign of the Society’s tilt toward the Ayn Rand Institute (ARI), the Society has invited ARI Executive Director Yaron Brook to speak at its meeting in December 2014 at the American Philosophical Association’s conference in Philadelphia. Those who find ARI’s strictures morally unacceptable face the unpalatable options of sanctioning those strictures by working with the equivalent of scholarly front groups for that organization, or else retreating into relative isolation.

I don’t mean to deny, of course, that there’s been good work done on Objectivist-related themes or topics outside of those institutional settings. My point is that relatively little of that scholarship has been done by people who explicitly identify themselves as Objectivists. Nor do I mean to suggest that isolation is necessarily fatal to a scholar’s capacity for productiveness. I just mean that in most cases, scholarship thrives on discursive interaction involving a community of scholars. Unfortunately, Objectivist intellectual culture has not on the whole been conducive to the creation of such a community. Part of the problem derives (as I’ve been arguing on this blog) from attitudes we’ve inherited from Ayn Rand herself. Another part of the problem is institutional: given TAS’s turn to popular advocacy, non-ARI Objectivist scholars have lacked a supportive institutional setting within which to interact.* One implication of this lack of supportive setting has been that non-ARI Objectivists haven’t quite gotten the word out about the work they have done, and are doing. One goal of the “News and Reviews” part of this blog is to bring such work to light in a more sustained and systematic way.

Dome of the Rock, Jerusalem

Dome of the Rock, Jerusalem

I’m happy to be able to say that I’ve been sitting on some good work in progress for a while:

1. Carrie-Ann and I have been invited by Sari Nusseibeh, the President of Al Quds University (Jerusalem), to present papers to students and faculty there this June. Carrie-Ann will be presenting a critique of Will Kymlicka’s multiculturalism (“Protecting Individuals: Multicultural Citizenship versus Freedom of Association”), and I’ll be presenting a paper that defends what I call a graduated one-state solution to the Israel/Palestine problem (“Annexation, Immigration, and Political Rights: A Defense of Sari Nusseibeh’s Heretical Proposal for Israel/Palestine”). Prior to our lectures in Jerusalem, Carrie-Ann will be presenting her paper to The Atlas Society’s Online Research Seminar on May 30th, and I’ll be presenting mine in early June at a meeting of the Canadian Jacques Maritain Society at the University of Victoria (Victoria, Canada). Both of our papers develop themes from the conception of government defended in Rand’s “The Nature of Government” and “Government Financing in a Free Society” (The Virtue of Selfishness).

2. David Kelley (Atlas Society) has recently released two lectures (two hours’ worth of material) on the perception of causality, extending epistemic insights discussed in his book, The Evidence of the Senses: A Realist Theory of Perception (LSU, 1986), to new topics. Kelley’s lectures dovetail nicely with similar material in Rick Minto’s doctoral dissertation on causality, Foundations for a Realist Theory of Causality (Western Ontario, 1997), as well as in the just-published Ayn Rand Society Philosophical Studies volume, Concepts and their Role in Knowledge: Reflections on Objectivist Epistemology (Pittsburgh, 2013).

tilley

3. Shawn Klein (Rockford College) and Tim Sandefur (Pacific Legal Foundation) have just (separately) published book chapters in Stephen Dilley’s edited collection, Darwinian Evolution and Classical Liberalism: Theories in Tension (Lexington, 2013). Shawn’s chapter is on free will (“Volitional Consciousness and Evolution: At the Foundations of Classical Liberalism,”) and Tim’s is on the relationship between classical liberalism and evolution as such (“Classical Liberalism and Evolution”). The book also features chapters by Logan Paul Gage, Bruce L. Gordon, Peter Lawler, Roger Masters, Angus Menuge, Michael J. White, Jay W. Richards, Richard Weikart, John West, and Benjamin Wiker.

Shawn, incidentally, blogs on sports ethics at The Sports Ethicist; Tim blogs on a variety of topics at Freespace—both worth bookmarking.

4. Rick Minto (Institute for Effective Thinking) is doing a commentary at the Ontario Society for the Study of Argumentation (OSSA) on a paper by Dmitri Bokmelder on “Cognitive Biases and Logical Fallacies.” The OSSA conference takes place May 22-25 at the University of Windsor (Ontario, Canada). Rick runs The Institute for Effective Thinking, where he maintains a blog and offers courses in critical thinking. Like our Institute, Rick’s Institute is just getting off the ground, but its website is definitely worth bookmarking and paying attention to.

5. Finally, The Atlas Society’s Atlas Summit offers a bunch of talks and seminars worth looking into (more than I can single out here).

I’m sure I’ve missed some stuff here, but I’ll be updating these “Work in Progress” reports periodically, so feel free to send suggestions to instituteforobjectiviststudies@gmail.com. I’ll also have some more to say about Objectivist-relevant discussion around the blogosphere (e.g., at BHL and elsewhere on non-initiation of force, etc.) as soon as I can manage.

Irfan

*In an earlier version of this post, I had written “non-ARI Objectivists.” I’ve now corrected the sentence.


[1] Agreement with “Fact and Value” entails agreement with Schwartz’s essays. Peikoff begins “Fact and Value” by expressing his full agreement with Schwartz’s “On Sanctioning the Sanctioners,” and Schwartz’s “On Moral Sanctions,”  was published as an addendum to “Fact and Value” itself.

Plus ca change, plus c’est la meme chose: Objectivism from 1993 to 2013

While surfing the web for something last night, I accidentally stumbled on an archaeological find of interest to this blog, and couldn’t resist bringing it up here. It’s an interview, conducted in 1993, of David Kelley in the now-defunct newsletter Full Context, edited at the time by Karen Reedstrom, and later edited by Karen as well as Rick Minto. (Karen and Rick are married, so Karen Reedstrom became Karen Minto.) David Kelley and Rick Minto are, of course, Advisory Board members of the current IOS. The interview was conducted by Raymie Stata. Despite the passage of two decades since the interview, I can’t help thinking that as far as Objectivism is concerned, the interview proves the truth of that old French adage, plus ca change, plus c’est la meme chose–“the more that things change, the more they stay the same.” For the most part, I don’t mean that in a good way. For clarity’s sake, I’ll mark all references to the old IOS organization as “IOS-1990.”

The interview begins with Stata’s asking Kelley about IOS-1990, and in particular about the Institute’s successes up to 1993. Kelley mentions some successes, but what’s interesting is his description of the problem that IOS-1990 was founded to solve:

One of the problems historically with Objectivism is that it is a broad, systematic philosophy but often does not address the kinds of very specific technical questions that are being discussed in philosophy or psychology or economics. Now, some of these questions are just invalid from a philosophic standpoint. But as a student you want to know: All right, what do you do then if you’re asked to write a paper about a topic? We try to counsel students on proper methodology in these cases. But also, some of these questions are perfectly valid and we try to show how to build a bridge from Objectivism’s basic principles to those specific issues. And there again I think we’ve been very successful.

To what extent has any of the “historical” problem described in Kelley’s first sentence changed in the intervening twenty years? Very little. Plus ca change…

Just a bit later in the interview, Stata asks Kelley about IOS-1990’s other successes. At this point, Kelley brings up IOS-1990’s attempted (and to some degree successful) rapproachement with libertarians, particularly those associated with the Cato Institute, Reason Foundation, Institute for Humane Studies, and Heartland Institute.

Now there’s been a gradual recognition in the classical liberal movement that you can’t win the debate on economic grounds alone. The Reagan years were a real lesson for people in that regard. For all the free-market rhetoric, almost nothing happened. There were some policy changes, but we certainly didn’t get back to laissez-faire. And so I think people like Ed Crane at the Cato Institute and Robert Poole at the Reason Foundation are very clear that there has to be a strong moral case for the free-market to complement the economic case.

So what I have done, and what the Institute [1990] has done, is to build some bridges back to those people and to say, “We stand for Objectivism and we are not going to compromise those ideas, but let’s talk. We can work with you to provide some of the ethical foundations for the work you’re doing.” And so over the last few years I’ve spent a lot of time talking with people like Ed Crane, Bob Poole, the Institute for Humane Studies, the Heartland Institute, a number of other places. And without exception, I have found that if you approach them in the spirit of working together, a willingness to debate and a willingness to sometimes agree to disagree—if you approach them in that spirit, I have found absolutely no trace of hostility towards Objectivism. And I think we have helped restore the good name of Objectivism to a broader segment of the liberal community.

I think Kelley’s comment here is somewhat naive. I don’t know how “clear” Kelley’s libertarian allies were about moral issues, and I think that he oversimplifies the task of providing “ethical foundations” for libertarian policy initiatives. As for “no trace of hostility toward Objectivism” from libertarians, I don’t think Kelley was looking hard enough: libertarian hostility for Objectivism was there in 1993 and remains there in 2013. But Kelley’s fundamental point in this passage is unquestionably correct: Objectivists and libertarians are natural allies, and the Ayn Rand Institute‘s erstwhile policy of denouncing libertarianism as nihilism was perverse and absurd. (Actually, in a remarkable absurdity, the policy is simultaneously “erstwhile” and “contemporary,” since ARI claims not to have changed its policies vis-a-vis libertarianism.)

In this case, then, we have a real change in the environment, not stasis. No one in 1993 could possibly have predicted the lay of the land in 2013. No one could have predicted that the Ayn Rand Institute, which had expelled Kelley for this very rapprochement with libertarians, would wait two decades, and then do its best to marginalize Kelley while forging an alliance of its own with libertarians. No one could have predicted that a former member of ARI’s Board would, without significant pushback by libertarians or Objectivists, take the helm of the libertarian Cato Institute, simply brushing aside as irrelevant the fact that he had for years belonged to an organization that condemned such behavior in others as a mortal sin. No one could have predicted that ARI-affiliated Objectivists would, after describing libertarians as “nihilists” for two decades, become a common sight at Cato and IHS events, and take for granted the value of Objectivist engagement with libertarians. Nor could anyone, even in his most cynical moments, have conceived of the tortured, preposterous rationalization that ARI has recently produced to justify this about-face. (Incidentally, I have an email from Leonard Peikoff in my inbox expressing explicit agreement with it, which I intend to make public on this blog.) Nor for that matter could one have expected libertarians to have gone as silent on the matter as they’ve ended up being. All of it is a cautionary tale about the intellectual immaturity of both movements, Objectivist and

David Kelley

David Kelley

libertarian. Movements committed to intellectual integrity would never have allowed a series of such events to have happened. Pathetic but true: it took a leftist journalist–Gary Weiss–to bring the issues to light. And even the left has failed to grasp the significance of the events that transpired, despite the propaganda victory it would thereby have achieved against two of its natural adversaries if the facts were more widely known and appreciated. Can an Objectivist organization that behaves as ARI has really disavow the age-old charge that Objectivism is a form of Machiavellianism? Can a libertarian organization incapable of handling its own problems of organizational succession really claim to offer credible advice about how to run a government? Isn’t it odd that I’m asking these questions, but leftists aren’t?

Later in the interview, Kelley is asked about IOS-1990’s relationship to ARI, and about the “split” quite generally.

To my knowledge, no one has published any kind of response to Truth and Toleration or given a talk that was taped and made available. The last thing I know of on the subject were some remarks that Leonard Peikoff made at a Jefferson School conference, but that was before Truth and Toleration. So I guess the news is that there really isn’t any news: the two sides have gone their separate ways. There are a number of people who attend our events and their events and get what they can out of each side. I understand there has been some pressure on the student groups not to have any dealings with me or the Institute. But very little news, really. It’s been just a parting of the ways.

When we got started, it was very important for us to define our position in relationship to the movement that had been before. That’s why the first talk was my talk on Objectivism as a philosophy and a movement. At the time, we were contemplating having further lectures on this topic, but after my talk we all felt, “No, we’ve had our say, now let’s do our positive thing, let’s go about our business.” And so we haven’t thought much about what anyone else is doing these last three years, we’ve been so busy developing our own programs.

Much of this remains the same after twenty years: no one has published any kind of response to Truth and Toleration and no one has given a publicly available response to it in audio or video form. Partisans on both two sides continue to go “their separate ways.” Some people still try to attend both groups’ events and “get what they can out of each side.” There is still pressure on students affiliated with ARI not to have dealings with Kelley or his organization. One wonders, though, about the prudence of Kelley’s policy of “going about his business.” Can a business go about its business while ignoring the parties who want to put it out of business? I don’t think so. Perhaps history teaches us in this case that a more concerted campaign ought to have been mounted in defense of IOS-1990 when it was under attack.

Here is an amusing passage on a similar topic:

Q: Do you think that the Objectivist movement has been a victim of the same kind of desire to not think?

Kelley: Sure, there are people who basically have a cult-like mentality vis a vis Objectivism. Objectivism—or the pronouncements of Objectivism—become the content of their cult.

There was an example of a person—I can’t even remember the guy’s name so I don’t have to worry about not giving it—who said it was clear that I was not an Objectivist on the grounds that I said Objectivism is an open philosophy, subject to modification if someone provides evidence for it. He said that you can’t be an Objectivist and believe that. Why? He gave an analogy to a coach with ten rules; this is the coach’s philosophy, these ten rules. If someone comes along and says “I subscribe to coach’s philosophy but I don’t like rule six”, well then it’s not coach’s philosophy anymore. That’s the cult mentality—that Objectivism can even coherently be compared to a list of ten rules, you know, like the ten commandments.

The “guy” whose name Kelley has forgotten is John McCaskeyself-expelled founder of the Anthem Foundation, and currently a faculty member at Brown University. One wonders whether McCaskey has modified or re-thought his “Coach’s Ten Rules” conception of Objectivism. One likewise wonders what his Brown University colleagues would say if his role in Kelley’s excommunication were more widely known. McCaskey has written on many topics in the years since, but not

John McCaskey

John McCaskey

on that one. Nor has anyone asked him, publicly, to come clean on his views of twenty years ago–unless you count what I’m doing now. This lack of accountability and lack of transparency is a sign of intellectual corruption in a “movement.” But Objectivists have come to take such corruption pretty much for granted. Moral indifference and agnosticism are the “price” that some are willing to “pay” for “success.”

I admire an interviewer who asks tough questions, and Stata is by that standard an admirable interviewer. He asks Kelley the awkward question of why Objectivist scholars seem to have produced so little in the way of scholarship. I won’t reproduce Kelley’s response verbatim; I don’t at all find it plausible. First Kelley suggests that it’s “extremely difficult” to produce high quality work. That’s true, but non-Objectivist academics seem to have found a way of surmounting this problem. Then he suggests that “innovation has to some extent been discouraged in the Objectivist movement.” I agree that it has, and yet I don’t find that fact explanatory. Innovation has been discouraged, especially within the more dogmatic precincts of ARI, and yet it hasn’t been sufficiently discouraged to have prevented ARI-affiliated Objectivists from producing a fair bit of good scholarship. Kelley goes on to say that he intends to put a few volumes of Objectivist work together (which he did do), and ends by saying: “Actually, it’s kind of pathetic, but even three or four volumes will significantly expand the body of literature that’s out there.” I agree with that, and it remains true twenty years after he said it.

I don’t want to end on a sour note. There is something wonderful and refreshing about this interview, and it comes out best in some of the passages I haven’t quoted here. The interview is an archaeological document from a time before the Internet and interwebs, before social media and blogs–from a time, in other words, when there were far fewer independent opportunities for thought and expression than there now are. IOS-1990 did a remarkable job in that environment to put Objectivism on the intellectual radar screen. For years, it was the only voice of a sane form of Objectivism, and virtually the only voice of a scholarly one with interests in engaging a wider intellectual audience. The interview captures the phenomenology of IOS Objectivism ca. 1993–the excitement, the sense of novelty, the sense of liberation, the prospects for the future.

We now face a radically different milieu involving a 180 degree shift–one in which ARI has become the rising, mainstreamed public and scholarly face of Objectivism, and Kelley’s organization has become relatively marginalized, even with its erstwhile libertarian allies. It would take an intellectual historian with a strong stomach and powerful capacities of integration to explain how and why that happened. Having read some recent histories (or historical discussions) of Objectivism–Doherty, Burns, Heller, Weiss–I’m not holding my breath. If it took twenty years to get where we are, it could take twenty more years before historians come up with an explanation that does justice to the facts. I can’t hold my breath that long. I’ve held it long enough already.

Irfan